At the end of 2024, Russia enacted a complete ban on YouTube. This move is clearly part of the Kremlin’s broader strategy of information isolation. The government has already blocked various messengers and social media platforms and is planning to prohibit audio calls via internet services. At the same, Russia continues replacing independent platforms with state-controlled alternatives that promote “correct” content aligned with Kremlin policies. Ideally, this content is either neutral or purely entertaining, aiming to normalize the war initiated by Russia and showcase an image of prosperity.

Russia has already banned or restricted several popular social media platforms deemed non-compliant with Russian laws or used to disseminate "unauthorized" information about the war in Ukraine, thereby discrediting Russian armed forces. 

Since spring 2022, platforms like Instagram, Twitter, and Facebook have been blocked nationwide. The bans on social media platforms in Russia evidently appear to be part of a well-thought-out strategy. Simultaneous implementation and prior disruptions to services suggest that the government tested blocking algorithms in advance. Experts then noted that these coordinated actions were likely premeditated.

Telegram also faced restrictions between 2018 and 2020, but by late 2024, its functionality in Russia remained unimpeded. Meanwhile, Apple agreed to remove media apps and VPN services from its Russian App Store, citing "compliance with Russian laws." Other platforms, such as Discord, Signal, and now Viber, have also been blocked.

While these platforms faced blocking efforts, users have primarily relied on VPNs to bypass restrictions for social media platforms like Instagram. In contrast, platforms like VKontakte (VK) have long served as Kremlin-friendly alternatives. These platforms have increasingly come under government control, evident from the numerous criminal cases initiated based on comments and private messages in VK. Thus, it has become evident that VK cooperates closely with the Russian Interior Ministry, the FSB, and Roskomnadzor, ensuring that its content is either Kremlin-aligned or neutral. Posts deemed undesirable are swiftly removed, and those responsible risk imprisonment.

The situation with YouTube differed from the one mentioned above. The platform’s Russian-language segment is among the largest globally, serving audiences in Russia, former Soviet states, and Russian-speaking diasporas worldwide. Alongside its vast array of Russian-language entertainment and educational content, YouTube is also a hub for informational material that often presents viewpoints at least alternative to the Kremlin’s narrative. The platform hosts numerous Russian opposition politicians, banned journalists, and independent media catering to Russian-speaking audiences.

The official justification for the ban cited YouTube’s "failure to comply with Roskomnadzor’s demands," or, as Putin described it, "disrespect for Russian law," stemming from YouTube’s refusal to remove content flagged by the Russian government.

The Kremlin’s dissatisfaction becomes evident when reviewing rankings of popular socio-political YouTube channels in Russian.

Unlike other blocked or restricted platforms, accessing YouTube after the ban presents significant hurdles for Russian users. VPN services often throttle data speeds, making high-quality video streaming difficult. Moreover, Russian authorities actively target VPN services for suppression.

It is unsurprising that Russia moved to develop a domestic alternative to YouTube—a key measure to direct users toward an information ecosystem controlled by state-approved narratives. This substitution not only eliminates dissenting voices but also ensures that revenue from popular content with millions of views flows into Kremlin-aligned pockets.

The primary alternative is VK Video, owned by VK (formerly Mail.Ru Group), which operates one of Russia’s largest digital ecosystems. VK’s portfolio includes the social media VKontakte, business tools, educational services, music streaming, and payment systems. 

This is what user video suggestions look like in the "Politics" section on VK Video. Please note: the Russian service has created a function for transferring videos from its own YouTube channel.

VK’s key stakeholder is Gazprom-Media, granting it substantial state backing and a pivotal role in the Kremlin’s “import substitution” policy for digital platforms. 

Although Russia’s older video-sharing site, Rutube, was initially considered YouTube’s replacement, it never gained significant traction, peaking at just 12 million monthly views by late 2021. 

By comparison, individual videos on YouTube’s Russian-language segment often reached similar numbers. Despite Gazprom-Media’s ownership of both Rutube and VK Video, the latter became the favored project due to strategic changes in management and development.

Speculation about YouTube’s impending ban and VK Video’s ascendance began in 2021, when Vladimir Kirienko, a businessman with close ties to the Kremlin, became CEO of VK. Kirienko was appointed after VK’s acquisition by entities linked to Gazprom. Notably, Vladimir Kirienko is the son of Sergey Kirienko, the First Deputy Chief of Staff in Putin’s administration, who oversees domestic policy, including managing “news territories” (i.e., Ukrainian territories, occupied by Russia) and strategic initiatives. 

Sergey Kirienko, in particular, headed Rosatom and currently chairs its supervisory board. But in the context of bans and restrictions, it’s notable that he founded the Internet Development Institute, a Kremlin-linked organization channeling significant funds into shaping Russia’s ideological landscape and supporting the war effort.

For instance, this organization financed “The Boy's Word: Blood on the Asphalt,” a crime drama TV series that went viral not only in Russia but also in other countries with a Russian-speaking audience. The Kremlin also uses the Internet Development Institute to ensure its ideology of integrating “new territories.”

The younger Kirienko’s rise to VK’s leadership underscores the strategic importance of VK Video. The Kremlin has placed a big bet on this project since it’s important for the internal situation in the Russian Federation, and the Kremlin is monitoring it.

Kirienko’s career trajectory suggests he was groomed to handle infrastructure critical to Russia’s digital control and censorship apparatus. He went through managing VTB—a Russian bank that is key in financing state projects, both domestic and foreign, especially for sanctions evasion. Lately, he headed Rostelecom, a state-owned telecom and digital services provider that was likely directly involved in testing ban infrastructure to restrict access either to platforms or to the web as a whole.

Blocking YouTube is part of the Kremlin’s broader effort to isolate Russian society and immerse it in an alternative reality. Authoritarian regimes typically achieve this through:

• Media control
• Restricted access to independent information
• Propaganda and disinformation
• State-controlled information platforms
• Fostering loyalty through education

All these elements are integral to the Kremlin’s strategy, as exemplified by blocking YouTube and its replacement with VK Video. Russian schools now mandate that all public communication and activities occur exclusively on VKontakte.

Apparently, this is precisely why the Kremlin has refrained and still refrains from banning Telegram. The platform hosts prominent pro-Kremlin Z-bloggers, officials, and propagandists. Here they also recruit volunteers for Russia’s war in Ukraine and Russian military campaigns abroad. From the Kremlin’s perspective, Telegram’s benefits outweigh any perceived risks.

In contrast to previous social media bans, the YouTube blockade in Russia was preceded by the creation of a robust state-controlled alternative. It was created solely to replace YouTube. Now VK will seize from YouTube and repackage entertaining Russian-language content, which was so popular on YouTube and to which the Russian audience is so accustomed.

Thus, Russia systematically excludes dissenting information, reinforcing Kremlin-approved narratives—all while maintaining the familiar formats users expect.